ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Unity between the Kurdish parties is essential for the future of the disputed areas, says Nasreddin Saeed, the minister heading the General Board for Kurdistani Areas Outside the Kurdistan Region. These are generally known as the disputed areas that both the Kurds and Baghdad claim.
Saeed warns that Sinjar, the disputed Iraqi province that was for the most part liberated from the Islamic group ISIS in December, could fall apart.
Sinjar (or Shingal) was until the occupation by ISIS in August 2014 administrated mainly by Baghdad. Here ISIS murdered almost 2,000 members of the Yezidi population and kidnapped over 6,000 when it overran the area.
After the liberation, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has put in its own local government and police, but forces that were involved in the liberation have not yet left. Amongst them are not only Peshmerga troops of the main Iraqi Kurdish parties KDP and PUK, but also fighters of the Turkish Kurdish PKK and some Yezidi militias.
Saeed sees this as a major obstacle why Yezidis are hardly returning home to Sinjar – whilst in a comparable situation in Ramadi inhabitants have -- stressing that “after liberating the place, the forces should go and leave it to the people. Because of them, people are afraid of a new conflict.”
For Saeed, who is a member of the Islamic Union and not part of the two mayor ruling parties in the KRG, rebuilding the trust of Sinjaris in the Kurdish government is “really crucial”. That’s why he is organizing with the think tank Middle East Research Institute (MERI) and the American University of Duhok a conference on the issue.
“We want to gather the different people in the area and discuss what we have to do so they will accept each other, as they have to live together.”
According to him the main problem is though, that the Kurdish parties “put their own advantage before that of the area and the people”. And he warns that if they “do not work together and unite on a common goal, Shingal will be torn apart.”
Although he agrees that a conference seems hardly enough to solve these problems, he says it’s the least his department can try.
Asked who will be invited, he states that nobody will be ignored, and all people and ideas will be listened to. When pressed if that means that the PKK will be invited, as well as the Yezidi-militia of Haider Shesho that is supported by the Shiite Hashd al-Shaabi militia, he says: “Haider Shesho is from Shingal, the PKK from outside. It’s good to invite Haider, but not the PKK.”
Though he states that if services are provided and people are supported to rebuild their houses, they will go back to Sinjar, at the same time he appears not optimistic about the role his department can play to make this happen.
Not only does it lack funding, because of the economic crisis in Kurdistan, but more importantly it lacks power because of his party background.
“We still see the parties are more powerful than the government. And my party does not have a big effect there. We are suggesting what is best, but most likely they will not listen.”
Not only does the situation in Sinjar worry him, but in liberated areas near the oil city of Kirkuk, now under control of the Peshmerga, he also sees new conflicts brewing. The same Hashd al-Shaabi that provides the Shesho-militia in Sinjar with weapons, is getting more powerful there.
The Shiite militia has proved to be the major military force in fighting ISIS, as the Iraqi army has not regained strength after its collapse when the Sunni radicals overtook major Iraqi cities.
“Before, the Hashd was occupied with the fighting between Sunni and Shiite, but now it is starting to turn against Kurds,” Saeed warns. “It is the one of the biggest forces in the area. If our Kurdish parties do not work together, the risk will only grow.”
His department recently reported that the mixed Kurdish and Shiite town of Tuz Khurmato is in danger of being occupied by the militia. “It is now like a military base; they have built walls between the Kurdish and Arabic neighbourhoods. We warned the KRG and the different parties to do something about it.”
The militia had also occupied the disputed town of Jalawla for a while. “After they liberated it from ISIS, the Hashd did not allow people to go back. Now that it is under control of the Peshmerga, people do go back.”
In general, the minister warns, “after taking places back from ISIS, the Hashdd may occupy them. They have long since put their eye on Kirkuk.”
He speaks out about the danger, because here again the lack of unity between the Kurdish parties has left a void. “We have a problem between ourselves, because the areas are divided up between KDP and PUK. And in the areas under PUK, the Hashd al-Shaabi is allowed to play a bigger role.”
Saeed warns that Sinjar, the disputed Iraqi province that was for the most part liberated from the Islamic group ISIS in December, could fall apart.
Sinjar (or Shingal) was until the occupation by ISIS in August 2014 administrated mainly by Baghdad. Here ISIS murdered almost 2,000 members of the Yezidi population and kidnapped over 6,000 when it overran the area.
After the liberation, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has put in its own local government and police, but forces that were involved in the liberation have not yet left. Amongst them are not only Peshmerga troops of the main Iraqi Kurdish parties KDP and PUK, but also fighters of the Turkish Kurdish PKK and some Yezidi militias.
Saeed sees this as a major obstacle why Yezidis are hardly returning home to Sinjar – whilst in a comparable situation in Ramadi inhabitants have -- stressing that “after liberating the place, the forces should go and leave it to the people. Because of them, people are afraid of a new conflict.”
For Saeed, who is a member of the Islamic Union and not part of the two mayor ruling parties in the KRG, rebuilding the trust of Sinjaris in the Kurdish government is “really crucial”. That’s why he is organizing with the think tank Middle East Research Institute (MERI) and the American University of Duhok a conference on the issue.
“We want to gather the different people in the area and discuss what we have to do so they will accept each other, as they have to live together.”
According to him the main problem is though, that the Kurdish parties “put their own advantage before that of the area and the people”. And he warns that if they “do not work together and unite on a common goal, Shingal will be torn apart.”
Although he agrees that a conference seems hardly enough to solve these problems, he says it’s the least his department can try.
Asked who will be invited, he states that nobody will be ignored, and all people and ideas will be listened to. When pressed if that means that the PKK will be invited, as well as the Yezidi-militia of Haider Shesho that is supported by the Shiite Hashd al-Shaabi militia, he says: “Haider Shesho is from Shingal, the PKK from outside. It’s good to invite Haider, but not the PKK.”
Though he states that if services are provided and people are supported to rebuild their houses, they will go back to Sinjar, at the same time he appears not optimistic about the role his department can play to make this happen.
Not only does it lack funding, because of the economic crisis in Kurdistan, but more importantly it lacks power because of his party background.
“We still see the parties are more powerful than the government. And my party does not have a big effect there. We are suggesting what is best, but most likely they will not listen.”
Not only does the situation in Sinjar worry him, but in liberated areas near the oil city of Kirkuk, now under control of the Peshmerga, he also sees new conflicts brewing. The same Hashd al-Shaabi that provides the Shesho-militia in Sinjar with weapons, is getting more powerful there.
The Shiite militia has proved to be the major military force in fighting ISIS, as the Iraqi army has not regained strength after its collapse when the Sunni radicals overtook major Iraqi cities.
“Before, the Hashd was occupied with the fighting between Sunni and Shiite, but now it is starting to turn against Kurds,” Saeed warns. “It is the one of the biggest forces in the area. If our Kurdish parties do not work together, the risk will only grow.”
His department recently reported that the mixed Kurdish and Shiite town of Tuz Khurmato is in danger of being occupied by the militia. “It is now like a military base; they have built walls between the Kurdish and Arabic neighbourhoods. We warned the KRG and the different parties to do something about it.”
The militia had also occupied the disputed town of Jalawla for a while. “After they liberated it from ISIS, the Hashd did not allow people to go back. Now that it is under control of the Peshmerga, people do go back.”
In general, the minister warns, “after taking places back from ISIS, the Hashdd may occupy them. They have long since put their eye on Kirkuk.”
He speaks out about the danger, because here again the lack of unity between the Kurdish parties has left a void. “We have a problem between ourselves, because the areas are divided up between KDP and PUK. And in the areas under PUK, the Hashd al-Shaabi is allowed to play a bigger role.”
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