He has the last word within the Free Syrian Army (FSA), but lives in Istanbul, Turkey. He travels back to Syria occasionally, but only when the FSA council requires his attention.
Rami Aldalati was born in the Syrian town of Homs, a graduate in Islamic theology in Syria and a civilian. That all changed when he was assigned the highest military position in the FSA.
In this interview with Rudaw, Aldalati talks about the Peshmerga and wishes it were the FSA that could defend Kobane instead. He also talks about the ongoing talks between the FSA and the al-Nusrah Front, which is considered to have had links with al-Qaeda. Here is an edited transcript of his comments:
Rudaw: Why did the FSA withdraw its forces instead of taking on the Islamic State (ISIS), especially in the town of Adlib?
Rami Aldalati: I think the military support for the FSA was not substantial enough to resist an ISIS advance or to curb its rise in the northeastern parts of Syria. There were, of course, other reasons too. ISIS financed its war machinery through the oil wells it had seized and even the tribal populations of these areas were supporting it in any way they could. And besides all of that, the ISIS was heavily fortified by the support it received from Mosul and other Iraqi cities which were seized by the militants. They moved much of the apprehended weaponry in Mosul and other areas to Syria and that drastically changed the balance of power between us and ISIS. I should also say that the international support for the FSA has diminished profoundly.
The military support for the FSA was not substantial enough to resist an ISIS advance or to curb its rise in the northeastern parts of Syria. 
Rudaw: You have different entities within the FSA, including the Syrian Council, the Military Board and the Free Army -- and even other names for other units. What are their tasks and how do they cooperate?
Rami Aldalati: The High Military Council of the Free Army, or the Leadership Council, is the only elected institution among all the Syrian revolution’s institutions. Nearly 500 military leaders took part in the Anatoly International Congress. They elected a council of 30 representatives to represent them within the Free Syrian Army. The duty of the council is to assign or remove the interior and defense ministers of the Interim Government. This council is not a military council in its classical sense. Instead, it supervises the army’s leadership units and the military forces.
It has five divisions: North, South, East, West and the Homs province.
Rudaw: How many forces are there, especially in the north?
Rami Aldalati: As you might know the leadership of the Free Army was in fact formed after the emergence of these forces. These forces were not created in an organized way but were more or less spontaneous reactions against the regime -- created by the local tribes or powerful families. Then they turned into a military force. And after that there was a need for a council to lead them.
The Free Army was the first force that appeared across Syria. It had a good impact and pushed ISIS back to the north and northwestern areas of Syria.
FSA is a formidable force in the north and south of the country. Most southern areas down to the Jordanian borders are in our hands. We control two international gates, including the Nasiba gate to Jordan and Alhawa and Babolsalam towards Turkey.
Rudaw: Recently, there were reports of clashes between Syrian rebels and the al-Nusrah Front, in which the rebels withdrew after losses. Some say this has created a threat against the other forces?
FSA is a formidable force in the north and south of the country.
Rami Aldalati: We have to be frank and differentiate between al-Nusrah and ISIS, although both have ties with al-Qaeda. But ISIS is a criminal organization that has no popular support among the majority of Syrian people.
The al-Nusrah Front has a different story. All members of this front are Syrians. They are to some extent popular. And people have recognized them in part. We do not approve of everything they do. But we cannot deny them either. They have an impact and we have some coordination.
At the same time, the US army is at war with ISIS. But it has not fought al-Nusrah. Washington knows that there is some level of cooperation between us and the Nusrah Front, but turns a blind eye. Regarding the recent escalations between Nusrah and the rebels, I should say that the rebels made some errors of judgment and embraced some indecent military commanders. We really did not wish to see an armed conflict between us and wanted the dispute to be resolved through a military court. But al-Nusrah unilaterally made the decision and overran a military base of the Syrian rebels.
Rudaw: Do you see the Nusrah Front as a threat against the Syrian Revolution?
Rami Aldalati: So far, we see the al-Nusrah as a Syrian front against the regime. We do not see it as a radical group.
Rudaw: But al-Nusrah sympathizes with the al-Qaeda?
Rami Aldalati: Yes, that is true and a matter of concern. But we have had some meetings between us and we now know that al-Nusrah wants to cut off ties with al-Qaeda, both ideologically and otherwise. We have heard that from leading members of al-Nusrah.
We now know that al-Nusrah wants to cut off ties with al-Qaeda, both ideologically and otherwise.
Rudaw: The US army had plans to train the FSA rebels. What is the prospect of that happening?
Rami Aldalati: Nearly a year ago, all the 12 friendly countries that support the FSA decided to extend their assistance to us. In both Jordan and Turkey there were command centers that would support the forces directly. But we think the proper way to do this is through the Syrian people. We made contact with the Security Council and told them that the remedy for our problems lies within Syria and not outside it. The Army Council, the Leadership of the Army and the Interim Interior Ministry are the remedies.
Rudaw: Are there Kurdish forces within FSA?
Rami Aldalati: The Kurdish brethren are a main component of the Syrian people. At the start of the Syrian revolution, the Kurdish brethren contacted FSA. We had a force called after the assassinated Kurdish activist, the Mashaal Tamo Force, as well as the Kurdish Islamic Front in Hasaka and Qamishloo.
Rudaw: Are there any Kurdish forces within FSA now?
Rami Aldalati: We have a High Military Council in which Saud Naso, who is a Kurdish commander, is a member. He defected from the Syrian Army and joined the FSA. He has been battling the regime in Homs and many other places. Kurds are mostly located in the north and northeastern parts of the country. But when ISIS advanced towards the Kurdish areas, all of our Kurdish FSA forces withdrew from the area.
Rudaw: Kobane is now besieged by the ISIS militants. FSA has a commander there, Major Jabar Agedi, fighting ISIS in Kobane. Do you have any relations with this force? How do you cooperate with them?
Rami Aldalati: We made a brave decision to join the fight against ISIS in Kobane, which is a Kurdish city. We consider Kobane as a part of Syria, and one that should be defended like any other Syrian city. We have defended Kobane and still do. Our forces came all the way from Aleppo to join the fight for Kobane. We lost 15 rebels there. We thank Major Agedi for his cooperation with us. It was a brave decision. But unfortunately, due to our war with both the regime forces and ISIS in Aleppo and elsewhere, we were unable to send enough troops to Kobane.
Rudaw: How do you view the Peshmerga forces fighting ISIS in Kobane? Do you have any cooperation with them or the YPG (Peoples’ Protection Units) fighters?
We consider Kobane as a part of Syria, and one that should be defended like any other Syrian city.
Rami Aldalati: Our Turkish brethren had their own view of the Peshmerga forces and had to allow them in to Kobane. We had some objection to the idea of having Peshmerga coming and fighting ISIS in Kobane. Because, if Peshmerga can come and fight here, then the regime could seek the support of foreign forces, like the Lebanese Hezbollah and Palestinian Hamas, to confront the revolution.
We said we do not allow foreign forces in Syria. We have the power to liberate all components of Syrian society, including Kurds, Arabs, Christians and other Syrian minorities. There was no cooperation with us before the Peshmerga’s arrival. Turkey and other neighbors were engaged in that and we are thankful for that.
At the moment the Peshmerga forces fight for the survival of Kobane side-by-side with the FSA and the YPG and other Kurdish forces. We need all the support there is to defend Kobane, but we should not need foreign forces to do that. We respect our brethren in Kurdistan very much, but we really wished to protect our Kurdish brethren in Syria by our own force.
Rudaw: According to the Dohuk agreement, there will be a new Kurdish force in Syrian Kurdistan. How will you deal with this new force?
Rami Aldalati: We do not have any strong ties with these forces. But we are working on our relations. Not cooperating with FSA is a problem for the Syrian people and Kurdish people. We are working hard to protect our nation. There is no great support for FSA internationally or among our Kurdish brethren. We are ready to defend every inch of Kurdish areas within Syria, but do not approve of foreign forces coming and fighting on our behalf.
Rudaw: The US-led coalition is targeting the ISIS positions in Kobane but not in other places in Syria. How do you interpret that?
We do not approve of foreign forces coming and fighting on our behalf.
Rami Aldalati: In the beginning we were against the idea that the international coalition would only target ISIS. We said we will join the coalition if it will target both ISIS and the Syrian regime. But if you only target ISIS under the pretext of protecting US national interests, it is a different story. We think degrading ISIS will strengthen the Syrian regime.
We think there is some sort of cooperation between ISIS and Damascus, because the Syrian regime pays millions of dollars to ISIS for the oil that is under ISIS control.
We said we had to cut the head of the snake and not its tail. If you destroy the regime in Damascus it will eventually define the outcome of the revolution in Syria.
Rudaw: A Kurdish force was formed In the Kurdistan Region called Rojava Peshmerga Force. How do you view this force? If this force, predominantly made of former officers of the regime’s army, enters Syria, will you cooperate with them?
Rami Aldalati: We welcome any force or person who wants to join the FSA struggle. But we oppose any force that is structured on sectarian or national grounds. Any force that enters Syria must know that their duty is to liberate Syria from the tyranny of the regime of Bashar Assad. It is not about a village or an area or a tribe. We do not differentiate between any tribes or regions.
Rudaw: How many armed rebels does the FSA have?
Rami Aldalati: The FSA has close to 60,000 fighters in total.
