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In an April 13 issue of Rudaw, this column criticized Gorran’s demand that Kurdistan’s parliament be reopened before they would support a referendum on South Kurdistan’s independence (the parliament ceased to function in 2015, after disputes between Gorran and the KDP). Gorran’s insistence that the referendum issue be debated in parliament rather than between the Region’s principle political parties strikes your humble columnist as pure sophistry, intended to cover the movement’s real agenda – an agenda that seems out of sync with Kurdistan’s national interests.
Even if this less than generous view of Gorran remains accurate, however, Gorran’s demand that Prime Minister Barzani reopen the Kurdistani parliament should be met. The parliament serves as a key institution for Kurdistan, whose parties need more practice disagreeing with each other within the rules of the political system. For both internal and external legitimacy as well, the parliament needs to resume its duties.
That much said, the reopening of the parliament and the holding of a referendum on independence should be disentangled from each other. Given that the vast majority of Iraqi Kurdistan’s people support independence (something which even leaders in Baghdad acknowledge), the holding of a referendum for such constitutes a crucial national interest of the region. It would hardly serve Kurdistan’s national interests for the political parties to resume all their parliamentary disagreements while also adding the referendum issue to the parliament’s myriad bargaining tables.
The KDP could promise the Gorran movement an immediate reopening of the parliament in return for Gorran’s promise to immediately begin, via inter-party meetings, contributing to the preparations for a referendum. Gorran’s participation and contribution to the national cause of a referendum would not be made hostage to whether or not the movement gets what it wants for different issues debated in parliament, and the KDP would promise to do its part in respecting the parliament’s procedures and ensuring it continues to function.
Perhaps naively, this columnist thus suggests that the parliament should be reopened because it is the right thing to do, and that the referendum be organized this year because, according to virtually all assessments, it is what Kurdistan’s people want. Neither should be made hostage to the other.
If the referendum is held this year, the Kurdistan Region will also need all the institutions and political unity (at least when it comes to key matters of national interest) it can muster. Baghdad, neighboring states, Washington and others all appear opposed to this project of Kurdish independence, just as almost the whole international community appeared dead set against Slovenian, Croatian, Bosnian, Serbian, Eritrean and South Sudanese independence – until they happened, of course.
If Erbil plans on successfully taking advantage of current circumstances to present Baghdad, its neighbors and the world with a fait accomplit they cannot reverse, then the KRG needs to fortify itself for the challenges ahead. That strength comes in part from convincing the entire region’s population – rather than just KDP supporters – that the project is a national cause that will be owned by and benefit all of Kurdistan’s people. No single party can claim all the credit for such an endeavor, as the risks are shared by all. This requires healthy democratic institutions, including a functioning parliament.
The experience that Kurdistan has with such institutions will also help ensure that the region’s independence follows more of a Slovenian trajectory than a South Sudanese one. While South Sudan marched into independence with next to no institutions and experience in self-rule, Slovenia enjoyed a long history of significant autonomy and practice governing itself. In the South Kurdish case, such practice must now help the KDP show more tolerance to the Gorran movement’s antics in parliament, and at the same time help Gorran to adopt a more mature approach and political style. If not, even Kurdistan’s people may question whether or not the region is ready for independence.
David Romano has been a Rudaw columnist since 2010. He holds the Thomas G. Strong Professor of Middle East Politics at Missouri State University and is the author of numerous publications on the Kurds and the Middle East.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of Rudaw.
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