The integration of the informal paramilitias into the official Iraqi defense apparatus was decreed by the prime minister on July 1. Although the Hashd was brought under the umbrella of the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF) in 2016, it has largely operated independently of central command.
Baghdad is keen to rein in the predominantly Shiite Hashd, which was established in 2014 to fight the Islamic State group (ISIS). Many of its units have roots in the armed groups which resisted the US occupation post-2003 and continue to foster close ties with Iran.
“We are marching forth with it and we seek to have practical achievements before the end of this month despite us mentioning in the governmental decree that it will take time and that all issues will be resolved in a gradual manner,” Abdul-Mahdi told reporters in his weekly press conference in Baghdad on Tuesday.
The PM, who is commander-in-chief of Iraq’s armed forces, said he held meetings this week with top officials, including President Barham Salih and parliamentary speaker Mohammed al-Halbousi, who confirmed the measures have their full support.
Under the decree, Hashd units have been asked to suspend their organizations, close their offices and checkpoints, surrender their “economic interests”, and to submit to full amalgamation into Iraq’s military establishment.
Reaction to the measures has been mixed. Although Hashd commanders and factions have welcomed the move, others are more skeptical, suggesting it is actually designed to shield the paramilitias from US sanctions targeting Iran.
Whatever the motive, Abdul-Mahdi said fears the Hashd is not complying with the decree are unfounded.
“Fears are a normal thing in life. We go into an exam, and there are fears. We compete in sports and we have fears. However, what matters are the measures. We clearly explained the measures with full clarity. The majority of Hashd al-Shaabi factions perceive this decree to be good and support it,” Abdul-Mahdi said.
There has been no “clear rejection” among Hashd factions, he insisted, but acknowledged there were some private reservations.
“Nevertheless, we believe that there is a desire among everyone to respect the status and authority of the state.”
The measures in the decree are both for the protection of Hashd al-Shaabi and the Iraqi state, he said.
“Thus, I don’t deny that there is always worry and fears, but we are following all these matters. The atmosphere is good, better than good. We will gradually see the results in this month. I don’t say we will begin the measures. We already have begun the measures, and many [Hashd al-Shaabi factions] have begun closing their headquarters. We have begun choosing camps. We are moving forward with all these measures.”
In his press conference last week, the PM rejected claims he was dissolving the Hashd.
“What we have for the Hashd is not a dissolving. It is considering it part of the Iraqi armed forces, it has criteria, whereby we control the movement of arms, and that all activities, not only arms, and headquarters are organized by the state,” he said at the time.
“Those who do wish to remain in the parameters of political work can do so, but without arms,” the PM added.
Hashd al-Shaabi was formed in 2014 based on a fatwa (religious decree) by Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the highest Shiite authority in Iraq, when ISIS militants were advancing on the Iraqi capital.
Each paramilitary group has its own name. The most well-known among them include Asaib Ahl al-Haq, the Badr Corps, and Hezbollah Iraq.
Implementation of the decree is less than certain, considering the extensive political influence of Hashd groups.
In Iraq’s May 12, 2018 election, a newly-formed coalition, named the Fatih Alliance, won the second biggest share of seats in the Iraqi parliament.
Fatih is composed of parties who each possessed their own Hashd faction. Abdul-Mahdi’s decree seeks to sever these political ties “on an individual or organizational level”.
Abdul-Mahdi has been under pressure to curb the actions of Iran-affiliated groups after a spate of rocket attacks against US military and economic targets in Iraq, with attacks carried out on ExxonMobil’s Basra headquarters and military camps where US troops are stationed, as well as a near-miss attack against the US embassy in Baghdad.
Additionally, a May 14 attack on US ally Saudi Arabia’s oil infrastructure, attributed to Iran-backed Houthis, is suspected to have been launched from Iraq.
