Kurdistan Region Elections: A to Z
By Anwar Faruqi
Here are some facts about the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, which goes to the polls on Saturday to elect its next regional legislature:
GEOGRAPHY: Iraqi Kurdistan, or the Kurdistan Region, is an autonomous area in northern Iraq where the country’s five million Kurds exercise self-rule over the provinces of Erbil, Sulaimani and Duhok. The predominantly Sunni Kurds and the Shiite-led Arab central government in Baghdad both also lay claim to large tracts of disputed lands, among them multiethnic Kirkuk, an immensely energy-rich province over which the two came close to war early this year. The Kurdistan Region covers an area of more than 40,000 square kilometers and borders Iran to the East, Turkey to the north, Syria to the west and the rest of Iraq to the south. Its capital city is Erbil, which is 400 kilometers north of Baghdad.
RECENT HISTORY: The world’s estimated 30 million Kurds are recognized as the world’s largest stateless nation. They are scattered mainly at the crossroads of Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq, none of whom have granted their large Kurdish minorities unfettered practice of identity, language or culture. The Kurds are themselves not a homogenous nation: Depending on where in the Middle East they live, they speak different dialects of the same language, and are divided into mainstream Sunnis and minority Shiites, with smaller numbers of Christians, Yezidis, Yarsanis and some Jews. Iraqi Kurds suffered especially hard under Saddam Hussein’s decades-long rule. Their low point came during the 1980-88 Iraq-Iran war, when they found themselves on the frontlines of a conflict that devastated their lands and turned many into refugees. During the closing weeks of the war Saddam used poison gas against the Kurdish town of Halabja, killing 5,000 of his own restive subjects, all of them civilians and many among them women, children and infants. But fate both frowned and smiled at the Kurds in 1991. That year, Saddam cracked down on a failed Kurdish uprising, turning millions into refugees in neighboring countries or driving more into the large Kurdish diaspora in Europe and North America. Media coverage of waves of Kurds fighting cold and hunger in border camps in Iran, Turkey and Syria led to the creation of a “no-fly” zone which was enforced mainly by the United States, Britain and France to protect the Kurds from Saddam’s air power. That allowed Kurdish Peshmarga fighters to drive out the dictator’s main forces and sow the seeds of an autonomous region. After Saddam’s fall in the 2003 US-led invasion, the Kurds cemented their hold on their autonomous enclave and created their own Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).
POLITICS: After fighting a bitter civil war in the 1990s the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) signed a Strategic Agreement in 2007, and in 2009 ran jointly in legislative polls to win 59 of the 111 seats in the Kurdistan parliament. In Saturday’s elections all eyes are on the PUK which is hobbling into the race with several injuries, most notable the absence of its leader, the fatherly and 79-year-old Jalal Talabani. He is also Iraq’s president but has not been seen since suffering a stroke in December and being flown to Germany. The party feels especially nervous about the Change Movement (Gorran), which was established by breakaway members of the PUK before the 2009 legislative elections. In the polls the novice party offered a fresh and reformist option to the electorate. It shocked the two big parties by winning 25 seats -- too close for comfort to the PUK’s own 29-seat victory and KDP’s 30 seats. Despite its political injuries now, the PUK is taking the unprecedented and daring step of running Saturday’s race on its own, instead of in coalition with the KDP. While the PUK complains it has been chafing in an unfair partnership with the KDP, Gorran is eyeing the elections for a possible chance to replace the PUK as a partner in the KRG. By running independently this time, the PUK appears to be hedging its bets on forming the next government. In September 2012, PUK and Gorran leaders met for the first time in six years, following years of tension and rivalry. There are also a number of small Islamist parties in the legislature.
GOVERNMENT: The Kurdistan Region has its own constitution, legislature, president and prime minister. It even has its own army – the Kurdish Peshmarga fighters – and several ministries that control everything from natural resources and security to education. KDP leader Massoud Barzani is also president of the Region. The premiership – currently held by Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani of the KDP – has rotated for two-year terms between the KDP and PUK. But both are now talking about scrapping that system, saying whichever party wins the largest number of seats should have the right to form the cabinet for a full four-year term.
ECONOMY: While the rest of Iraq remains a war zone and its economy in ruins, the Kurdistan Region is experiencing an economic boom, visible in new skyscrapers, five-star hotels and a modern airport that is served by several of the world’s largest airlines. Majid al-Mualla, Senior Vice President for Dubai-based Emirates Airline, told a tourism conference in Erbil in June that the carrier had never seen the type of passenger growth witnessed on Dubai-Erbil flights. He said passenger traffic was expected to increase by 30 percent this year -- the largest in the region. “We now have an annual flow of 105,000 passengers, which will be 2.1 million in 10 years and 4.5 million in 20 years,” he said. Erbil was named the 2014 Tourism Capital of the Middle East. Nevertheless, Kurdistan is still very much a post-conflict society, struggling to cope with huge challenges. The KRG is struggling to build roads, schools and other infrastructure such as oil pipelines, but without a skilled and professional workforce and inadequate funds for doing everything simultaneously, the going is poorly planned and often slow. Official corruption and nepotism are common complaints. Kurdistan has proven oil reserves of nearly 44 billion barrels and up to six trillion cubic meters of gas, which together are the biggest source of the regional government’s revenues. Threats by Baghdad to boycott foreign companies signing direct contracts with Erbil have not stopped energy majors such as ExxonMobil, Chevron, Total and Gazprom from projects in the Kurdistan Region. In a report this year, London’s authoritative Financial Times newspaper said that the Kurdistan Region “is now one of the biggest draws in the energy industry.” The KRG is confident that oil production of about 200,000 barrels per day (bpd) will more than double to 500,000 bpd by the end of this year, rising fourfold to two million barrels by 2019. The FT report called Kurdistan, “Big Oil’s hottest real estate.”
FOREIGN RELATIONS: According to the Iraqi constitution Baghdad is in charge of the country’s foreign relations and the autonomous Kurdistan Region cannot conduct independent foreign affairs. But in practice many countries – including the United States and several European nations – have consulates in Erbil to promote commercial and political relations. Ties between Erbil and the central government have deteriorated under Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, mainly over Baghdad’s fears that greater energy independence will strengthen the Kurdistan Region’s hand in declaring independence. The United States also periodically reminds Erbil that it opposes direct energy deals with foreign companies and calls for Kurdish independence. Nevertheless, Washington and Erbil maintain very strong ties. Turkey remains Erbil’s largest trade partner, thirsty for oil to fuel its own growing industries and building the pipelines that will help Kurdistan export its oil and gas. In the west, the Syrian civil war has had a huge impact on Kurdistan, washing in some 200,000 mostly Syrian-Kurds across the borders and causing a refugee crisis for the KRG. From the east, Iran periodically cautions both Baghdad and Erbil about getting too close to Washington, Tehran’s main international foe. Iran sees Iraq – including the Kurdistan Region – within its own sphere of influence, and remains Erbil’s second-largest non-oil trade partner.