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Interview
Ansar al-Islam fighters train at a camp in Idlib, Syria. Photo: published in May 2020 on Ansar al-Islam Telegram channel
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – Bound by shared goals and a common enemy, Iran has maintained ties with Sunni jihadist groups, including al-Qaeda, for years, according to a Kurdish jihadist researcher.
Al-Qaeda’s “ideology conflicts with the Shiite rule of Iran, but strategically, what they have done is the same as what Iran has wanted. al-Qaeda has wanted to target American interests both within and outside America, and this is the same as what the Islamic Republic has wanted,” said Mokhtar Hooshmand in an interview with Rudaw a day after US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo accused Iran of being the “new home base” for al-Qaeda.
Pompeo on Tuesday accused Iran of giving a “new operational headquarters to al Qaeda” and allowing senior members of the group to roam freely around Iran and communicate with “other al-Qaeda members and perform many functions that were previously directed from Afghanistan and Pakistan, including authorization for attacks, propaganda, and fundraising.”
Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif denied the accusations on social media, tweeting that the outgoing diplomat “is pathetically ending his disastrous career with more warmongering lies.”
Pompeo designated as terrorists a number of reportedly Iran-based al-Qaeda members, including three Kurdish leaders of al-Qaeda Kurdish Battalions (AQKB), “that operates on the border between Iran and Iraq.”
RELATED: Journey to jihad: Iran’s Sunni Kurds fighting a holy war in Idlib
Mokhtar Hooshmand is a prominent Kurdish political researcher based in Germany who has carried out extensive research over nearly two decades into jihadist groups in the Kurdish areas of Iran and Iraq. He was imprisoned in Iran for two years, 2011-2012, for his work with Kurdish opposition groups. In jail, he shared cells with Kurdish jihadists, including members of Ansar al-Islam, a Sunni Islamist group once based in the Hawraman area of the Kurdistan Region, on the border with Iran.
While incarcerated, Hooshmand interviewed a fellow prisoner, a militant of Ansar al-Islam. He was able to smuggle his notes out of prison and later published the interview as a book.
The interview, conducted in Kurdish by Rudaw’s Hawraz Golpi, has been edited for length and clarity.
Rudaw: Thank you for talking to us. Why do you think Pompeo is announcing this information and evidence at this time, while there is only one week left of Trump’s administration? Why did they not release this sooner?
Mokhtar Hooshmand: Of course, there have been indications about this previously. However, it was not as detailed as this or mentioning names. I believe discussing this topic at this time and during the last days of Trump’s administration could be perceived as an achievement for his administration. I think they did not want to leave this issue to the next administration.
Rudaw: So the evidence that Pompeo mentioned about relations between Iran and al-Qaeda, would this create a new reality for the Biden administration, one which they would not be able to ignore as, some predict, they seek to re-establish ties with Iran?
Hooshmand: Yes, one of the main reasons is what you mentioned. This issue could be a huge obstacle in front of Biden’s administration to developing a good relationship with Iran and resuming talks with the country.
Rudaw: Some intelligence and security officials in America have doubts about Pompeo’s information about the existence of al-Qaeda Kurdish battalions in Iran. You are experienced in the field and have researched this area. Do you believe there are al-Qaeda Kurdish battalions on the border between Iraq and Iran?
Hooshmand: We first need to discuss the backstory between al-Qaeda organization and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This relationship goes back to the establishment of al-Qaeda. The organization’s ideology conflicts with the Shiite rule of Iran, but strategically, what they have done is the same as what Iran has wanted. Al-Qaeda has wanted to target American interests both within and outside America, and this is the same as what the Islamic Republic has wanted. It is normal – having such a strong common strategy could bring two parties closer to each other and even create a coalition between them.
Rudaw: I want to talk about those battalions. When were they established? How many are they? Who is in them? Are there foreigners in their ranks or are they all Kurds?
Hooshmand: After America launched airstrikes on Ansar al-Islam bases in the Hawraman region of Southern [Iraqi] Kurdistan in 2003, the remnants of Ansar headed to East [Iranian] Kurdistan and Iran. And of course, this did not happen without the knowledge of Iranian agencies. We saw that after some Ansar al-Islam officials were held by Iran for a while for questioning and debriefing, they then returned to Iraq and formed a new organization, Ansar al-Sunna. Their first activity was against the two main political parties in Southern [Iraqi] Kurdistan and happened on February 1 [2004].
On the other hand, a group split from Ansar al-Islam. This group was part of a radical battalion within the Ansar lines named Fateh battalion, and people like Hemin Banishari and Omar Bazyani [senior figures of Ansar al-Islam] were leading this group. This group split from Ansar and formed a new group, joining al-Qaeda. At the same time in Iraq, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi formed a group under the name Jeish Muhammad [Muhammad’s army]. When they contacted him, they were able to convince him to join al-Qaeda and change the name to Jama'at al-Tawhid wal-Jihad. And the Kurdish branch became Kurdistan’s al-Qaeda battalion. The majority of the commanders and members in Kurdistan’s al-Qaeda battalion, be it from Bashur [Iraqi Kurdistan] or those who were from Rojhelat [Iranian Kurdistan] and were attracted to the group, resided in Rojhelat.
Rudaw: So the groups that Pompeo is talking about, how big do you think they are? How many people are they and what can they do?
Hooshmand: In reality, they do not have a specific place where they reside. It is true that at the time they had activities in the border areas of Southern Kurdistan, they had training camps in the border areas of Bashur and Rojhelat, but eventually this group managed to situate themselves in all the Sunni areas in Rojhelat. They managed to spread their ideas and recruit a lot of people, and just like that, they sent a lot of people to Iraq and Afghanistan. So the presence of the Kurdistan Kataib was not only in border areas, but rather in all of Rojhelat they had people.
Rudaw: How did they grow in Rojhelat? In what area did they have the most influence and activity?
Hooshmand: In the northern part of Rojhelat meaning Urmia, in the Mukiryan area, and from Sanandaj to Kermanshah area, they had followers, meaning all the Sunni areas. Especially when the building blocks of the Kurdistan battalions were set up toward the end of 2003 until 2007 and 2008, these were the golden ages of their activities and they would operate in open daylight.
Rudaw: Why did these jihadist groups pick those regions? What would motivate people to work with them and help them?
Hooshmand: The people were Sunnis and they could find followers within the people. I am not saying they grew very wide, but their growth was more in comparison to Salafism and jihadists in Southern Kurdistan.
Rudaw: There were other groups. Why did only al-Qaeda’s battalions become so well known?
Hooshmand: Throughout the history of the Islamic Republic, they have treated Sunnis in two ways, both the moderate groups and the radical ones. For example, in Rojhelat we see that between two moderate groups such as Maktab Quran and the Islah Group, which is part of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement, there is a big difference in the way they are dealt with. The members of Maktab Quran get arrested and attacked, but due to the Brotherhood’s relations with the Iranian government, this does not happen to them. This group officially recognizes the Islamic Republic. However in relation to the Salafist groups, that same duality applies. For instance a group like Ansar al-Islam is seriously attacked while the Kurdistan battalion groups are free in their activities.
Rudaw: What influence have these groups had on other groups, such as Maktab Quran?
Hooshmand: They have not had a direct influence. In fact, sometimes there were conflicts between these groups. For example between the Kurdistan Battalion [AQKB] and Maktab Quran there was even physical conflict after they officially declared Ahmad Mufti Zadeh [founder of Maktab Quran] an infidel and this was unacceptable to Maktab Quran.
Rudaw: People might ask, how can a Shiite government support a Sunni radical group?
Hooshmand: For this, we have to look at the start of the Islamic Republic. Since its establishment, under the name of spreading revolution they have supported different Islamic groups, both Shiite and Sunni. For example in Palestine there is Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and in Lebanon we have Hezbollah. And only a week ago, Mahmoud al-Zahar [co-founder of Hamas] said when they first met Qasem Soleimani, he helped them with millions of dollars at that time, and this was a big help. Islamic Republic policy since the start has been to make all groups, both Shiite and Sunni, act in the interest of the Islamic Republic and do as they say. And in return they will support the groups, be it inside or outside Iran.
Rudaw: In one of your books, which I think you wrote from prison, you talk about jihadist groups. Iran on one side supports these groups, but on the other hand some of the groups’ officials and members were in prison with you. How do you reconcile this?
Hooshmand: As I said, Iran acts differently with the groups to the point that as long as a group acts in the interest of the republic, they will support them and allow their activities. And whenever they do not do so, it will deal with them. For example Kurdistan’s battalions (AQKB) were freely doing their activities in Rojhelat, but in 2009 a group mostly from Rojhelat split from them, and their ideology was different. They thought the Iranian government was not Islamic and they started labeling it as infidel. But before they could move against the government, all their members were arrested. I mean the same individuals who used to be part of Kurdistan’s battalions (AQKB), they could freely move around and carry out their activities because they operated within the defined framework of the Islamic Republic, but as soon as they split from the AQKB and started opposing the Islamic Republic, all of them were arrested. Around 45 of them were unfairly tried and sentenced to death, and they were actually executed.
Rudaw: Do people still join these groups?
Hooshmand: Of course, the groups are still active in Rojhelat and they invite people to join them. The branch of Ansar al-Islam is very active. Another group consisting of Kurds has named itself the Movement of the Muhajerin of Iran’s Sunnis is very active in Syria and recruits people all the time in Iranian Kurdistan and in the border areas [with Iraq]. Al-Qaeda is also active. There are other smaller groups. My latest information is that activities are ongoing.
Rudaw: What kind of activities do they have?
Hooshmand: Previously, they would act more openly, but now they are more discrete. Apart from spreading their ideology, they have physical activities, such as swimming courses and physical training in sport clubs, and when necessary they do training with guns as well.
Rudaw: Do people join them from Bashur?
Hooshmand: As of now, it has dropped. I mean the flow from Bashur to Rojhelat has dropped. In truth, Rojhelat was under the influence of Bashur, and Salafi ideology travelled from Bashur to Rojhelat. However there is still contact between these two parts in relation to Salafi jihadi ideology.
Rudaw: Who are some of the prominent leaders of these groups? The names Pompeo mentioned, it is reported that they are originally from Bashur but reside in Tehran. Do you agree?
Hooshmand: Those names are from Bashur and there are others who are in detention in Iran, but as I point out, these individuals had left the AQKB. And one important point that I need to emphasize is when these individuals split from AQKB, the group itself played a big role in the arrests of the individuals detained. And these individuals, when I was in prison, they complained that AQKB had assisted the security forces. And this is evidence that AQKB has close ties to the Islamic Republic and its intelligence agencies.
Rudaw: What threat do these groups impose to Southern Kurdistan and the community and political parties in Rojhelat?
Hooshmand: As a researcher, it is not my expertise to talk about the threat they pose. I look into their activities, the obstacles they face, and how they function. These groups have had more opportunity to grow in Rojhelat and for years they have had activities and thousands of their people have had training and visited Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq and gained a lot of experience.
Rudaw: The groups that are now in Rojhelat, are there any links or relationships between them and those in Idlib, Syria?
Hooshmand: Yes, as I said the Ansar al-Islam branch in Iran has a relationship with the mother organization that now operates in Idlib in Syria. When the Islamic State (ISIS, Daesh) appeared on the scene and proclaimed a caliphate, they refused to join Daesh and under the umbrella of the Nusra Front [now known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham], they continued their activities. Some of their people come from Rojhelat and Rojhelat has become a good recruitment source for them. It may be the case that their leaders are not from Rojhelat, but it is a good pool of recruits for them.
The other group, the Movement of the Muhajerin of Iran’s Sunnis, their emir is from Rojehlat and most of their members and their top commanders are from Rojhelat and recruit from Rojhelat.
Rudaw: Who are their prominent figures in Rojhelat?
Hooshmand: I cannot name anyone, but they have a lot of people. For example, the emir of the group is Abdul Rahman Fattahi in Syria.
Rudaw: Are there any threats that, like they did in Hawraman, they could grow again and set up bases like that?
Hooshmand: We cannot make such predictions, but we cannot deny it either. It depends on the politics in Rojhelat and Bashur, but definitely, these groups will always try to have a base and become an alternative to the ruling political parties that these groups see as atheists. These people have never forgotten the dream of establishing an Islamic caliphate in Bashur and Rojhelat.
Rudaw: What does Iran use these groups for and when do they use them?
Hooshmand: Not all of these groups want to be tools of Iran, but those who have accepted [the Islamic Republic], Iran can use them for whatever they desire. ISIS activities in Iran are becoming noticeable recently. They had been stopped by the security forces, but the Islamic Republic appears to be in favour of these activities continuing. Based on information I have, they even have good connections to groups in Khanaqin and Kirkuk and they have some sort of coordination between them.
Rudaw: How does Iran allow ISIS to function in Iran while Iran-backed forces are fighting against ISIS in Syria and Iraq?
Hooshmand: At the moment, they are not fighting Daesh. The war with Daesh is over. At the moment, ISIS’ presence in Iraq benefits Iran. And as long as Daesh is present there, Iran can interfere in Iraq.
Al-Qaeda’s “ideology conflicts with the Shiite rule of Iran, but strategically, what they have done is the same as what Iran has wanted. al-Qaeda has wanted to target American interests both within and outside America, and this is the same as what the Islamic Republic has wanted,” said Mokhtar Hooshmand in an interview with Rudaw a day after US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo accused Iran of being the “new home base” for al-Qaeda.
Pompeo on Tuesday accused Iran of giving a “new operational headquarters to al Qaeda” and allowing senior members of the group to roam freely around Iran and communicate with “other al-Qaeda members and perform many functions that were previously directed from Afghanistan and Pakistan, including authorization for attacks, propaganda, and fundraising.”
Iran’s Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif denied the accusations on social media, tweeting that the outgoing diplomat “is pathetically ending his disastrous career with more warmongering lies.”
Pompeo designated as terrorists a number of reportedly Iran-based al-Qaeda members, including three Kurdish leaders of al-Qaeda Kurdish Battalions (AQKB), “that operates on the border between Iran and Iraq.”
RELATED: Journey to jihad: Iran’s Sunni Kurds fighting a holy war in Idlib
Mokhtar Hooshmand is a prominent Kurdish political researcher based in Germany who has carried out extensive research over nearly two decades into jihadist groups in the Kurdish areas of Iran and Iraq. He was imprisoned in Iran for two years, 2011-2012, for his work with Kurdish opposition groups. In jail, he shared cells with Kurdish jihadists, including members of Ansar al-Islam, a Sunni Islamist group once based in the Hawraman area of the Kurdistan Region, on the border with Iran.
While incarcerated, Hooshmand interviewed a fellow prisoner, a militant of Ansar al-Islam. He was able to smuggle his notes out of prison and later published the interview as a book.
The interview, conducted in Kurdish by Rudaw’s Hawraz Golpi, has been edited for length and clarity.
Rudaw: Thank you for talking to us. Why do you think Pompeo is announcing this information and evidence at this time, while there is only one week left of Trump’s administration? Why did they not release this sooner?
Mokhtar Hooshmand: Of course, there have been indications about this previously. However, it was not as detailed as this or mentioning names. I believe discussing this topic at this time and during the last days of Trump’s administration could be perceived as an achievement for his administration. I think they did not want to leave this issue to the next administration.
Rudaw: So the evidence that Pompeo mentioned about relations between Iran and al-Qaeda, would this create a new reality for the Biden administration, one which they would not be able to ignore as, some predict, they seek to re-establish ties with Iran?
Hooshmand: Yes, one of the main reasons is what you mentioned. This issue could be a huge obstacle in front of Biden’s administration to developing a good relationship with Iran and resuming talks with the country.
Rudaw: Some intelligence and security officials in America have doubts about Pompeo’s information about the existence of al-Qaeda Kurdish battalions in Iran. You are experienced in the field and have researched this area. Do you believe there are al-Qaeda Kurdish battalions on the border between Iraq and Iran?
Hooshmand: We first need to discuss the backstory between al-Qaeda organization and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This relationship goes back to the establishment of al-Qaeda. The organization’s ideology conflicts with the Shiite rule of Iran, but strategically, what they have done is the same as what Iran has wanted. Al-Qaeda has wanted to target American interests both within and outside America, and this is the same as what the Islamic Republic has wanted. It is normal – having such a strong common strategy could bring two parties closer to each other and even create a coalition between them.
Rudaw: I want to talk about those battalions. When were they established? How many are they? Who is in them? Are there foreigners in their ranks or are they all Kurds?
Hooshmand: After America launched airstrikes on Ansar al-Islam bases in the Hawraman region of Southern [Iraqi] Kurdistan in 2003, the remnants of Ansar headed to East [Iranian] Kurdistan and Iran. And of course, this did not happen without the knowledge of Iranian agencies. We saw that after some Ansar al-Islam officials were held by Iran for a while for questioning and debriefing, they then returned to Iraq and formed a new organization, Ansar al-Sunna. Their first activity was against the two main political parties in Southern [Iraqi] Kurdistan and happened on February 1 [2004].
On the other hand, a group split from Ansar al-Islam. This group was part of a radical battalion within the Ansar lines named Fateh battalion, and people like Hemin Banishari and Omar Bazyani [senior figures of Ansar al-Islam] were leading this group. This group split from Ansar and formed a new group, joining al-Qaeda. At the same time in Iraq, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi formed a group under the name Jeish Muhammad [Muhammad’s army]. When they contacted him, they were able to convince him to join al-Qaeda and change the name to Jama'at al-Tawhid wal-Jihad. And the Kurdish branch became Kurdistan’s al-Qaeda battalion. The majority of the commanders and members in Kurdistan’s al-Qaeda battalion, be it from Bashur [Iraqi Kurdistan] or those who were from Rojhelat [Iranian Kurdistan] and were attracted to the group, resided in Rojhelat.
Rudaw: So the groups that Pompeo is talking about, how big do you think they are? How many people are they and what can they do?
Hooshmand: In reality, they do not have a specific place where they reside. It is true that at the time they had activities in the border areas of Southern Kurdistan, they had training camps in the border areas of Bashur and Rojhelat, but eventually this group managed to situate themselves in all the Sunni areas in Rojhelat. They managed to spread their ideas and recruit a lot of people, and just like that, they sent a lot of people to Iraq and Afghanistan. So the presence of the Kurdistan Kataib was not only in border areas, but rather in all of Rojhelat they had people.
Rudaw: How did they grow in Rojhelat? In what area did they have the most influence and activity?
Hooshmand: In the northern part of Rojhelat meaning Urmia, in the Mukiryan area, and from Sanandaj to Kermanshah area, they had followers, meaning all the Sunni areas. Especially when the building blocks of the Kurdistan battalions were set up toward the end of 2003 until 2007 and 2008, these were the golden ages of their activities and they would operate in open daylight.
Rudaw: Why did these jihadist groups pick those regions? What would motivate people to work with them and help them?
Hooshmand: The people were Sunnis and they could find followers within the people. I am not saying they grew very wide, but their growth was more in comparison to Salafism and jihadists in Southern Kurdistan.
Rudaw: There were other groups. Why did only al-Qaeda’s battalions become so well known?
Hooshmand: Throughout the history of the Islamic Republic, they have treated Sunnis in two ways, both the moderate groups and the radical ones. For example, in Rojhelat we see that between two moderate groups such as Maktab Quran and the Islah Group, which is part of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement, there is a big difference in the way they are dealt with. The members of Maktab Quran get arrested and attacked, but due to the Brotherhood’s relations with the Iranian government, this does not happen to them. This group officially recognizes the Islamic Republic. However in relation to the Salafist groups, that same duality applies. For instance a group like Ansar al-Islam is seriously attacked while the Kurdistan battalion groups are free in their activities.
Rudaw: What influence have these groups had on other groups, such as Maktab Quran?
Hooshmand: They have not had a direct influence. In fact, sometimes there were conflicts between these groups. For example between the Kurdistan Battalion [AQKB] and Maktab Quran there was even physical conflict after they officially declared Ahmad Mufti Zadeh [founder of Maktab Quran] an infidel and this was unacceptable to Maktab Quran.
Rudaw: People might ask, how can a Shiite government support a Sunni radical group?
Hooshmand: For this, we have to look at the start of the Islamic Republic. Since its establishment, under the name of spreading revolution they have supported different Islamic groups, both Shiite and Sunni. For example in Palestine there is Hamas and Islamic Jihad, and in Lebanon we have Hezbollah. And only a week ago, Mahmoud al-Zahar [co-founder of Hamas] said when they first met Qasem Soleimani, he helped them with millions of dollars at that time, and this was a big help. Islamic Republic policy since the start has been to make all groups, both Shiite and Sunni, act in the interest of the Islamic Republic and do as they say. And in return they will support the groups, be it inside or outside Iran.
Rudaw: In one of your books, which I think you wrote from prison, you talk about jihadist groups. Iran on one side supports these groups, but on the other hand some of the groups’ officials and members were in prison with you. How do you reconcile this?
Hooshmand: As I said, Iran acts differently with the groups to the point that as long as a group acts in the interest of the republic, they will support them and allow their activities. And whenever they do not do so, it will deal with them. For example Kurdistan’s battalions (AQKB) were freely doing their activities in Rojhelat, but in 2009 a group mostly from Rojhelat split from them, and their ideology was different. They thought the Iranian government was not Islamic and they started labeling it as infidel. But before they could move against the government, all their members were arrested. I mean the same individuals who used to be part of Kurdistan’s battalions (AQKB), they could freely move around and carry out their activities because they operated within the defined framework of the Islamic Republic, but as soon as they split from the AQKB and started opposing the Islamic Republic, all of them were arrested. Around 45 of them were unfairly tried and sentenced to death, and they were actually executed.
Rudaw: Do people still join these groups?
Hooshmand: Of course, the groups are still active in Rojhelat and they invite people to join them. The branch of Ansar al-Islam is very active. Another group consisting of Kurds has named itself the Movement of the Muhajerin of Iran’s Sunnis is very active in Syria and recruits people all the time in Iranian Kurdistan and in the border areas [with Iraq]. Al-Qaeda is also active. There are other smaller groups. My latest information is that activities are ongoing.
Rudaw: What kind of activities do they have?
Hooshmand: Previously, they would act more openly, but now they are more discrete. Apart from spreading their ideology, they have physical activities, such as swimming courses and physical training in sport clubs, and when necessary they do training with guns as well.
Rudaw: Do people join them from Bashur?
Hooshmand: As of now, it has dropped. I mean the flow from Bashur to Rojhelat has dropped. In truth, Rojhelat was under the influence of Bashur, and Salafi ideology travelled from Bashur to Rojhelat. However there is still contact between these two parts in relation to Salafi jihadi ideology.
Rudaw: Who are some of the prominent leaders of these groups? The names Pompeo mentioned, it is reported that they are originally from Bashur but reside in Tehran. Do you agree?
Hooshmand: Those names are from Bashur and there are others who are in detention in Iran, but as I point out, these individuals had left the AQKB. And one important point that I need to emphasize is when these individuals split from AQKB, the group itself played a big role in the arrests of the individuals detained. And these individuals, when I was in prison, they complained that AQKB had assisted the security forces. And this is evidence that AQKB has close ties to the Islamic Republic and its intelligence agencies.
Rudaw: What threat do these groups impose to Southern Kurdistan and the community and political parties in Rojhelat?
Hooshmand: As a researcher, it is not my expertise to talk about the threat they pose. I look into their activities, the obstacles they face, and how they function. These groups have had more opportunity to grow in Rojhelat and for years they have had activities and thousands of their people have had training and visited Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq and gained a lot of experience.
Rudaw: The groups that are now in Rojhelat, are there any links or relationships between them and those in Idlib, Syria?
Hooshmand: Yes, as I said the Ansar al-Islam branch in Iran has a relationship with the mother organization that now operates in Idlib in Syria. When the Islamic State (ISIS, Daesh) appeared on the scene and proclaimed a caliphate, they refused to join Daesh and under the umbrella of the Nusra Front [now known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham], they continued their activities. Some of their people come from Rojhelat and Rojhelat has become a good recruitment source for them. It may be the case that their leaders are not from Rojhelat, but it is a good pool of recruits for them.
The other group, the Movement of the Muhajerin of Iran’s Sunnis, their emir is from Rojehlat and most of their members and their top commanders are from Rojhelat and recruit from Rojhelat.
Rudaw: Who are their prominent figures in Rojhelat?
Hooshmand: I cannot name anyone, but they have a lot of people. For example, the emir of the group is Abdul Rahman Fattahi in Syria.
Rudaw: Are there any threats that, like they did in Hawraman, they could grow again and set up bases like that?
Hooshmand: We cannot make such predictions, but we cannot deny it either. It depends on the politics in Rojhelat and Bashur, but definitely, these groups will always try to have a base and become an alternative to the ruling political parties that these groups see as atheists. These people have never forgotten the dream of establishing an Islamic caliphate in Bashur and Rojhelat.
Rudaw: What does Iran use these groups for and when do they use them?
Hooshmand: Not all of these groups want to be tools of Iran, but those who have accepted [the Islamic Republic], Iran can use them for whatever they desire. ISIS activities in Iran are becoming noticeable recently. They had been stopped by the security forces, but the Islamic Republic appears to be in favour of these activities continuing. Based on information I have, they even have good connections to groups in Khanaqin and Kirkuk and they have some sort of coordination between them.
Rudaw: How does Iran allow ISIS to function in Iran while Iran-backed forces are fighting against ISIS in Syria and Iraq?
Hooshmand: At the moment, they are not fighting Daesh. The war with Daesh is over. At the moment, ISIS’ presence in Iraq benefits Iran. And as long as Daesh is present there, Iran can interfere in Iraq.
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