Rudaw sat down with Iraq’s Prime Minister-designate Adnan al-Zurfi on Wednesday to discuss his appointment, his vision for Baghdad’s relations with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), and his relationship with the US and Iran.
Zurfi is the former governor of the holy city of Najaf and the serving leader of the Nasr-led bloc in the Iraqi parliament.
After Adil Abdul-Mahdi’s resignation from the premiership in the face of popular anti-government protest, Zurfi emerged as a potential successor. The role was eventually given to Mohammed Tawfiq Allawi, but he failed get his cabinet of independent technocrats approved after rebellion from Sunni, Kurdish, and some Shiite parties.
Zurfi was then appointed as Prime Minister-designate by President Barham Salih on March 17, and tasked with forming a government. His appointment followed weeks of contention over candidates for the role between Iraq’s parliamentary blocs. His appointment was met with approval by US officials, while some pro-Iran parliamentary factions in Baghdad condemned Salih’s choice.
The premier designate has until April 16 cabinet to be approved by the majority of the parliament – or face a similar fate as Allawi.
This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.
Rudaw: What are the latest developments regarding discussions between political parties and blocs on forming the new government cabinet?
Zurfi: We are continuing our discussions with the political parties and blocs at high levels. We’ve held many meetings to reach an understanding that enable us to build a true partnership, and to form a cabinet that represents all the components of the Iraqi society.
Some Shiite blocs announced their opposition to your new cabinet’s formation. Do these blocs have specific demands from you?
We were appointed by the President of Iraq, based on the Iraqi constitution. This decision was supported by the majority of the Shiite political blocs, as the President nominated us based on expectations and phone calls he made with different Shiite blocs. It is normal to have some blocs in support and others in opposition.
The only bloc that has clearly expressed its opposition are the brothers in the Fatih bloc. We are in ongoing dialogue with them to change their mind and encourage them to come and join us.
Are you optimistic that most Shiite blocs will come to your aid at the last minute?
The majority of Shiite blocs supported our assignment to form the next Iraqi cabinet, and we are highly confident that parliament’s blocs will support us and allow our cabinet to win parliament’s confidence, to serve our country, and save our interests.
What is your standpoint on the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF)’s factions and their future in Iraq?
The Popular Mobilization Forces was formed based on the law and is now part of the military structure [Iraqi Army]. The PMF has annual budgets and they take orders from the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, and we will continue to support them within this framework, due to their sacrifices and heroism in combating terrorism and its defeat of Islamic State (ISIS) on the ground.
There are reports that the Iranians have expressed that they aren’t opposed to an independent figure taking over the Prime Minister’s office, on the condition that they don’t oppose Tehran. What is your relationship with Iran like?
We haven’t seen any official opposition from Iran. We’ve had contact with them, and they told us that the formation of the Iraqi government is an internal Iraqi affair in which they will not interfere.
We believe that Iran is a friendly neighbor country. We have common interests and a common culture, and we can invest in those common interests to develop bilateral relations to serve our people and our countries.
Have you discussed the formation of the new Iraqi cabinet with the Americans, and how do they feel about you?
Our discussions and meetings have only been with Iraqi political blocs - but we have met with the ambassadors of countries who are permanent members of the UN Security Council, including, of course, the American ambassador.
We explained our political, economic and investment visions to them, our plans to develop joint cooperation with their countries, our expectations from their governments in supporting reconstruction and development, and our need to transfer modern technology and advanced experiences to Iraq, so that we can rebuild in a way that is of mutual benefit to Iraq and the international community.
You have not visited the Kurdistan Region regarding discussions about the new government cabinet. Why is that?
We are in constant contact with the Kurdish leaders in Kurdistan Region and we have had several discussions over the phone. We intend to visit the Kurdistan Region and conduct direct meetings with the Kurdish leaders when the time comes. Lately, the spread of coronavirus and the lockdown has been an obstacle to visiting the Kurdistan Region, but we hope to visit soon, before forming the government.
You announced that you are for solving the outstanding problems between Baghdad and Erbil, but this was a slogan given by all previous heads of Iraqi government have made. Why are you not giving what your solutions for those outstanding issues are?
We have a clear view on the problems we suffer from in all parts of Iraq, including the relationship of the Region with the center [Baghdad]. We consider the Kurdistan Region to be an important and essential part of federal Iraq, and it’s very important to us that problems and crises don’t persist for years. We don’t just air slogans – we are taking concrete, practical steps according to a clear and explicit program, and in agreement with the Kurdistan Regional Government. We consider the two of us as one entity and work with one spirit, and we have to solve our problems amongst ourselves.
Do you have solutions for the oil issues between Erbil and Baghdad?
There are many practical solutions we can take to solve oil problems.
For example, the Kurdistan Region can establish large oil refineries that use the produced oil to refine it and meet the need of the Iraqi market regarding the oil derivatives. Iraq imports more than $3 billion worth of oil derivatives annually – these derivatives could come from Kurdistan's refineries instead of importing them from abroad. This will increase the Kurdistan Region’s revenues, and on our part we will save 3 billion dollars that can remain in the country.
We also see that the Region has come under great financial strain due to the debts that have accumulated over the past six years - these debts are a major challenge for Kurdistan Region. With a close and detailed study on the issue, we can address these debts, help the Kurdistan Region get rid of them, and free the Region from the restrictions that hinder its development further.
In your opinion, is the current content of Article 140 applicable? Is your government able to apply this article?
The Iraqi constitution rules Iraq's current political system, and we will use the constitution to solve all our outstanding issues. Article 140 is one of these issues, and it has been pending over the past years. [But] we have a complete vision for finding effective solutions to all our issues.
What do you think about providing a budget for the Peshmerga forces, as they are part of Iraq’s defense system?
We consider the Peshmerga forces to be a symbol of Iraq’s struggle. They fought the dictatorship [of former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein], then they fought ISIS alongside their brothers in the Iraqi armed forces. Their blood mixed with the blood of our Iraqi Army heroes and our PMF forces to defend the homeland, so we highly value their sacrifices and treat the Peshmerga as an essential part of the Iraqi military system. We will strive to provide the salaries, equipment, and arms to them that we provide to the Iraqi military forces.
