The PUK did the same after Nawshirwan Mustafa left the party and formed the Change Movement (Gorran).
The decision to sack party turncoats came after the PUK reappointed its politburo members after its leadership declared it illegitimate and handed all powers to its first deputy leader Kosrat Rasul.
These changes were made after the Talabani and Ibrahim Ahmed families failed to convince Rasul to hold the party’s long overdue congress to elect the party leadership.
The two families appear content with their current position and future within the PUK – or perhaps they are merely waiting for another opportunity.
Rasul and Salih were politically and personally close for many years. This friendship grew stronger after party leader Jalal Talabani fell ill. They suspended their party positions and finally declared the establishment of a decision-making body within the PUK.
These two leaders were expected to form a new party. However, despite their close relationship, they did not have complete confidence in one another. Rasul made use of Salih’s political influence on the Talabani family, and Salih benefitted from Rasul’s high military power.
Rasul and Masoud Barzani were against the appointment of Qubad Talabani as deputy prime minister. Yet Salih supported him and convinced Barzani. Despite this, the Talabani family turned their backs on Salih.
Rasul has always regarded himself as the heir of the PUK after Talabani. Now is a golden opportunity for Rasul to show that the PUK can rise up again in Erbil, not just in Sulaimani.
This way, Rasul can rival the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) once again. If successful, he will simultaneously show the weakness of Salih’s support base within the PUK and distance those in the Talabani family who colluded in Kirkuk’s downfall.
So, what will happen to the PUK?
The efforts of Rasul to restore the PUK are impressive, although the party is currently in disarray, like a house with no doors or windows.
Changing the heads of the PUK’s main headquarters in Sulaimani and Erbil along with some other drastic organizational changes will further strengthen Rasul’s power at the top of the tree.
The Talabani and Ibrahim Ahmed families are unhappy about Rasul’s rise, but this is the last chance for the PUK to get its house in order. The KDP will in the future deal with the de facto leader of the party.
The KDP is happy to see the PUK restored, especially in the hands of Rasul. It is also pleased to see Salih rise to the leadership of his own political entity, as it is far easier to deal with coherent leadership structures.
Appointing Rasul’s son Shalaw to head of the PUK’s main headquarters in Erbil will dent the votes of other Sulaimani parties in the Kurdistan Region capital. It will also likely reconcile people upset with the PUK. This could prove to be in the interests of the KDP, as a strengthening of the PUK will spare the KDP the headache and provocations of other parties.
Those PUK officials who were branded traitors by the KDP following the October 16 events are now leaving the scene and giving their positions to people who never supported the handing over of Kirkuk.
That is why this election is extremely important for the PUK and Rasul’s position. The PUK should rally its vote in Erbil, Duhok, Sulaimani, Halabja and Garmian, but this might prove difficult in Kirkuk.
