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Analysis
Syrian Kurds march in the northern Syrian town of Jawadiyah. File photo: Delil Souleiman / AFP
Rival Kurdish factions have been at loggerheads for several years in the Kurdish-majority provinces of northern Syria known as Rojava, each claiming to represent and speak for all Kurds. However, recent statements indicate their frostiness may be thawing in the wake of French mediation.
The ruling Movement for a Democratic Society (TEV-DEM) and the opposition Kurdish National Council (ENKS) have reached several agreements over past years, but these were seldom implemented in practice.
Now a senior official from TEV-DEM – an umbrella group for the ruling Democratic Union Party (PYD) – has said it has no issue with the return of Kurdish opposition parties, and has even called on them to reopen their offices and participate in future elections.
Mediation efforts by France, a close Kurdish ally, may have something to do with these latest overtures, although details about their involvement is scarce.
Aldar Khalil, head of TEV-DEM foreign relations, was responding on Sunday to a question about a French-led effort to mend relations between the two factions. He said such foreign initiatives would not be necessary once Kurds embraced “patriotism” and joined the shared struggle.
“We are Kurds and brothers. There is an ongoing revolution here. Our nation has struggled for its freedom. A system is being established here. In this country, we are striving for our identity and the resolution of the Kurdish issue as well as developing a democratic system for the future,” Khalil said.
“In fact, if other friends have a demand or intention for a joint struggle, we do not have any issues with it.”
However, Nawaf Rasheed, who heads the Kurdistan Region office of ENKS – an umbrella group for Kurdish parties with ties to Kurdistan Region’s ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) – isn’t so sure.
Rasheed told Rudaw on Monday his group is not against the idea of returning to Rojava, but said he is “sure” the ruling TEV-DEM will not allow them back.
“We hope that what Aldar Khalil is saying about the return of the ENKS is true and he means it,” Rasheed said.
“The PYD has confiscated all ENKS offices and the houses of its members. They are not giving them back. They have to give them back and release our prisoners as a gesture of goodwill,” he added.
Even if ENKS does return, Rasheed said the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (NES) is unlikely to allow it to reopen its offices.
“We have officially requested to have our offices back but they are not giving them. We do not have any conditions to return and we do not need anyone’s permission to return. To prove this, ENKS should open its offices, but I am sure they [the Rojava administration] will not allow them.”
Rojava experiment
Syria’s civil war began in late 2011 after the regime of Bashar al-Assad brutally suppressed Arab Spring-inspired protests. Although the regime, with Russian backing, has now retaken the majority of the territory seized by rebels and armed opposition groups, Assad has not attacked the Kurdish groups in the north.
Regime forces withdrew from the Kurdish-majority cities during the early stages of the civil war to defend other strategic areas including the capital Damascus. The PYD’s armed wing – the People’s Protection Units (YPG) – filled the vacuum, carving out an autonomous region.
Alongside the US-led coalition, the Kurdish-led force retook several towns and cities from the Islamic State group (ISIS), including the jihadists’ de facto capital Raqqa.
Since taking power in Rojava, the Kurdish administration has launched a political experiment in “democratic confederalism” based on the theories of jailed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan.
Divisions between the various Kurdish factions, however, have threatened the democratic nature of this experiment, and risk weakening their autonomy in the face of regime and Turkish threats.
What’s the disagreement?
The falling out dates back to the first years of the TEV-DEM administration, when opposition parties like the Kurdistan Democratic Party – Syria (PDKS) held rallies against the ruling PYD’s policies and demanded partnership in governance.
Later, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) formed a Peshmerga force composed of Syrian Kurds with ties to the ENKS. When this newly-established Roj Force stated its intention to return to Rojava and jointly govern northern Syria, it was blocked by the PYD and YPG.
The PYD-controlled government has since closed ENKS offices, claiming the group lacks the necessary license to operate. ENKS-affiliated parties say they will not seek accreditation from the Rojava government as they do not recognize it, leading to the arrest of multiple ENKS officials including party leaders.
TEV-DEM officials have also accused the ENKS of betrayal following the invasion of Afrin by Turkish forces and their Syrian proxies in early 2018. ENKS enjoys good relations with the Turkish-backed Syrian opposition and Turkey itself. ENKS insists its relationship with these forces is in the interests of Kurdish rights in Syria.
Why work together now?
The Syrian regime has regained its strength over the last year. Kurds may fear that after the territorial defeat of ISIS and the armed opposition, Assad may turn his guns on them. Both Kurdish umbrella groups have previously acknowledged their unity is needed now more than ever.
Kurdish officials have failed to reach an agreement with the Syrian regime to allow them to govern the Kurdish areas jointly. As Rojava is home to much of Syria’s best farmland and oil fields, Assad might not wait for a deal.
French authorities have received several delegations from the Kurdish administration and expressed their readiness to help resolve their differences.
Khalil said they expect further French-Rojava meetings in the coming days and insisted the best option for Kurds is to work together to “preserve” Kurdish achievements.
“Let’s work together to preserve the current administration as a practical status has been realized. There are councils, administrations, security, and offices – everything is available. Now, it is time for those who are outside [this administration] to accept this reality,” Khalil said.
“If there is an election in the future, we will allow them. Let them come now and make preparations for the [potential] elections, do rallies, and hold meetings, deliver seminars, and do other activities.”
TEV-DEM and ENKS signed three agreements in the Kurdistan Region in 2012 (Erbil), 2013 (Erbil) and 2014 (Duhok) with the KDP as mediators, but little progress was made.
Then in early 2019, the Rojava administration released a statement saying it would lift the ban on unregistered political parties.
ENKS officials were not impressed, however, calling the pledge “baseless”. ENKS spokesperson Ibrahim Biro said the PYD “does not believe in political coexistence”.
“The PYD does not have faith in political life outside their ideology and 56 of our offices are closed in Western Kurdistan (Rojava) as per their decree,” Biro said at the time.
The ruling Movement for a Democratic Society (TEV-DEM) and the opposition Kurdish National Council (ENKS) have reached several agreements over past years, but these were seldom implemented in practice.
Now a senior official from TEV-DEM – an umbrella group for the ruling Democratic Union Party (PYD) – has said it has no issue with the return of Kurdish opposition parties, and has even called on them to reopen their offices and participate in future elections.
Mediation efforts by France, a close Kurdish ally, may have something to do with these latest overtures, although details about their involvement is scarce.
Aldar Khalil, head of TEV-DEM foreign relations, was responding on Sunday to a question about a French-led effort to mend relations between the two factions. He said such foreign initiatives would not be necessary once Kurds embraced “patriotism” and joined the shared struggle.
“We are Kurds and brothers. There is an ongoing revolution here. Our nation has struggled for its freedom. A system is being established here. In this country, we are striving for our identity and the resolution of the Kurdish issue as well as developing a democratic system for the future,” Khalil said.
“In fact, if other friends have a demand or intention for a joint struggle, we do not have any issues with it.”
However, Nawaf Rasheed, who heads the Kurdistan Region office of ENKS – an umbrella group for Kurdish parties with ties to Kurdistan Region’s ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) – isn’t so sure.
Rasheed told Rudaw on Monday his group is not against the idea of returning to Rojava, but said he is “sure” the ruling TEV-DEM will not allow them back.
“We hope that what Aldar Khalil is saying about the return of the ENKS is true and he means it,” Rasheed said.
“The PYD has confiscated all ENKS offices and the houses of its members. They are not giving them back. They have to give them back and release our prisoners as a gesture of goodwill,” he added.
Even if ENKS does return, Rasheed said the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (NES) is unlikely to allow it to reopen its offices.
“We have officially requested to have our offices back but they are not giving them. We do not have any conditions to return and we do not need anyone’s permission to return. To prove this, ENKS should open its offices, but I am sure they [the Rojava administration] will not allow them.”
Rojava experiment
Syria’s civil war began in late 2011 after the regime of Bashar al-Assad brutally suppressed Arab Spring-inspired protests. Although the regime, with Russian backing, has now retaken the majority of the territory seized by rebels and armed opposition groups, Assad has not attacked the Kurdish groups in the north.
Regime forces withdrew from the Kurdish-majority cities during the early stages of the civil war to defend other strategic areas including the capital Damascus. The PYD’s armed wing – the People’s Protection Units (YPG) – filled the vacuum, carving out an autonomous region.
Alongside the US-led coalition, the Kurdish-led force retook several towns and cities from the Islamic State group (ISIS), including the jihadists’ de facto capital Raqqa.
Since taking power in Rojava, the Kurdish administration has launched a political experiment in “democratic confederalism” based on the theories of jailed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) leader Abdullah Ocalan.
Divisions between the various Kurdish factions, however, have threatened the democratic nature of this experiment, and risk weakening their autonomy in the face of regime and Turkish threats.
What’s the disagreement?
The falling out dates back to the first years of the TEV-DEM administration, when opposition parties like the Kurdistan Democratic Party – Syria (PDKS) held rallies against the ruling PYD’s policies and demanded partnership in governance.
Later, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) formed a Peshmerga force composed of Syrian Kurds with ties to the ENKS. When this newly-established Roj Force stated its intention to return to Rojava and jointly govern northern Syria, it was blocked by the PYD and YPG.
The PYD-controlled government has since closed ENKS offices, claiming the group lacks the necessary license to operate. ENKS-affiliated parties say they will not seek accreditation from the Rojava government as they do not recognize it, leading to the arrest of multiple ENKS officials including party leaders.
TEV-DEM officials have also accused the ENKS of betrayal following the invasion of Afrin by Turkish forces and their Syrian proxies in early 2018. ENKS enjoys good relations with the Turkish-backed Syrian opposition and Turkey itself. ENKS insists its relationship with these forces is in the interests of Kurdish rights in Syria.
Why work together now?
The Syrian regime has regained its strength over the last year. Kurds may fear that after the territorial defeat of ISIS and the armed opposition, Assad may turn his guns on them. Both Kurdish umbrella groups have previously acknowledged their unity is needed now more than ever.
Kurdish officials have failed to reach an agreement with the Syrian regime to allow them to govern the Kurdish areas jointly. As Rojava is home to much of Syria’s best farmland and oil fields, Assad might not wait for a deal.
French authorities have received several delegations from the Kurdish administration and expressed their readiness to help resolve their differences.
Khalil said they expect further French-Rojava meetings in the coming days and insisted the best option for Kurds is to work together to “preserve” Kurdish achievements.
“Let’s work together to preserve the current administration as a practical status has been realized. There are councils, administrations, security, and offices – everything is available. Now, it is time for those who are outside [this administration] to accept this reality,” Khalil said.
“If there is an election in the future, we will allow them. Let them come now and make preparations for the [potential] elections, do rallies, and hold meetings, deliver seminars, and do other activities.”
TEV-DEM and ENKS signed three agreements in the Kurdistan Region in 2012 (Erbil), 2013 (Erbil) and 2014 (Duhok) with the KDP as mediators, but little progress was made.
Then in early 2019, the Rojava administration released a statement saying it would lift the ban on unregistered political parties.
ENKS officials were not impressed, however, calling the pledge “baseless”. ENKS spokesperson Ibrahim Biro said the PYD “does not believe in political coexistence”.
“The PYD does not have faith in political life outside their ideology and 56 of our offices are closed in Western Kurdistan (Rojava) as per their decree,” Biro said at the time.
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